"To forget one's ancestors is to be a brook without a source, a tree without a root."
(An old Chinese proverb.)


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[Here appears a photograph, beneath which is the following caption:]


Daughter of David Rhodes Sparks
With Her Granddaughter, Alice Milnor Reasoner

(Photograph taken about 1920)

(See page 5404)

(View photograph)

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THE SPARKS QUARTERLY, published by The Sparks Family Association

John K. Carmichael, Jr., President, 3408 N. Rosewood Ave., Muncie, Indiana (47304-2025)

A. Harold Sparks, Vice President, 500 1st St., N., #303, Newton, Iowa  (50208-3104)

Russell E. Bidlack, Secretary-Treasurer & Editor, 1709 Cherokee Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan (48104-4498)

The Sparks Family Association was founded in March 1953 as a non-profit organization devoted to assembling and preserving genealogical and historical materials pertaining to the Sparks Farnily in America. It is exempt from federal tax under the provisions of the Internal Revenue Code, Section 503(c) (7). Membership in the Association is open to all persons connected with the Sparks Family, whether by blood, marriage, or adoption, and to persons interested in genealogical research. Membership falls into three classes:
Active, Contributing, and Sustaining. Active Membership dues are $10.00 per year; Contributing Membership dues are $15.00 per year; and Sustaining Membership dues are any amount over $15.00 that the member wishes to contribute for the support of the Association. All members receive The Sparks Quarterly as it is published in March, June, September, and December. Back issues are kept in print and are available for $3.00 each to members of the Association and for $4.00 each to non-members. The first issue of the Quarterly was published in March 1953. Nine quinquennial indexes have been published for the years 1953-57; 1958-62; 1963-67; 1968-72; 1973-77; 1978-82; 1983-87; 1988-92; and 1993-97. Each index is available for $5.00.

A complete file of all back issues of the Quarterly, including the nine indexes, may be purchased for $325.00. The forty-six years of the Quarterly (1953-1999) comprise a total of 5280 pages of Sparks Family History. The nine indexes (1953-97) amount to over 900 additional pages. A table of contents is also available for $5.00. Comprising 72 pages, this lists the articles and collections of data appearing in the Quarterly between 1953 and 1999; it is updated at the end of each year. The International Standard Serial Number that has been assigned to the Quarterly is ISSN 0561-5445.

Orders for individual back issues of the Quarterly and the table of contents, as well as for a complete file, should be sent to the editor, Russell E. Bidlack, 1709 Cherokee Road, Ann Arbor, MI, 48104-4498. His telephone number is 734-662-5080; he has no E-Mail address.

WILLIAM Z. SPARKS (ca.1791-1858)

By Russell E. Bidlack

William Sparks, who died in Queen Annes County, Maryland, in 1709, was the progenitor of the branch of the Sparks family that was and is closely associated with Rowan County, North Carolina, and the several counties formed from it (e.g. Surry in 1770, Wilkes in 1777, Burke in 1777, Iredell in 1788, Davidson in 1822, Davie in 1836, and Yadkin in 1850).

Two grandsons of William Sparks (died 1709) moved with members of their families from Frederick County, Maryland, to the Forks of the Yadkin in Rowan County (now Davie County) in or about 1754. They were William Sample Sparks (ca.1700- ca.1765) who was a son of William Sparks, Jr., eldest son of William Sparks who


had died in 1709; and Solomon Sparks (ca.1720-ca.1790) who was a son of Joseph Sparks (died 1749). Joseph had been the youngest son of William (died 1709). (See the QUARTERLY of December 1989, Whole No. 148, for an article on William Sample Sparks, and the issue for December 1955, Whole No. 12, for information on Solomon Sparks.)

A major problem in tracing the descendants of William Sparks (died 1709) is that the name William was repeated among most of his sons and grandsons in choosing names for their children, often for their eldest son. Although William Sample Sparks had a middle name, this was unusual in the Eighteenth Century. Middle names did not become common in America until the latter part of the Nineteenth Century, although, in order to distinguish between their many cousins named William Sparks, middle initials were sometimes assumed by individuals bearing the name.

A son of William Sample Sparks (he was probably the eldest son), was always known simply as "William Sparks"; he had been born about 1725 and was married to a woman named Ann before his father and siblings left Frederick County, Maryland, for North Carolina in or about 1854. He remained in Frederick County for another decade, but in 1764 he brought his young family to the Forks of the Yadkin, also. (For a detailed record of the life of this William Sparks, who died in 1801/02, see the QUARTERLY of June 1991, Whole No. 154.)

In either 1770 or 1771, Solomon Sparks moved to a new settlement, this time from the Forks of the Yadkin to a part of Rowan County that had just been cut off to form Surry County. He settled on the North Branch of Hunting Creek. William Sparks, who had joined Solomon and his other relatives in the Forks of the Yadkin in 1764, followed Solomon to Surry County in or shortly before 1772. (Solomon and William were first cousins, once removed.)

When Wilkes County was created from Surry County in 1777, the dividing line ran directly through Solomon Sparks's land. Although his house remained in Surry County, a readjustment of the line a little later meant that he then became a resident of Wilkes County, where he died about 1790. William Sparks's land remained in Surry County, and it was there that he died between December 1801 and May 1802.

It is our goal here to attempt to identify how a Wlliiam Sparks, who was born about 1791 and who died in 1858, fits into the Sparks family. He lived near the village of Jonesville, just south of the Yadkin River in what became Yadkin County in 1850.  In later years, this William Sparks added the letter "Z"to his name as a middle initial, although it was sometimes written "S," and in many records he was called simply William Sparks.

A study of extant tax and census records for Surry County during the early 1800s reveals that there were two clusters of the Sparks family living in what is now Yadkin County. They were about eight miles apart. The group to which William Z. Sparks belonged lived near the village of Jonesville, with farms located near the waters of Deep Creek, Fall Creek, and Beaverdam Creek.

The other cluster of Sparkses in what became Yadkin County was headed by Matthew Sparks (ca.1752 -1819), who was a son of Wlliiam and Ann Sparks. He and his several sons lived on Hunting Creek and its branches in the southwest corner of Yadkin County, about four miles north of the Iredell County line. Until 1850, this was, of course, in Surry County. Part of Matthew's land adjoined the dividing line between Surry and Wilkes Counties. (See the QUARTERLY of June 2000, Whole No. 190, for a detailed record of Matthew Sparks and his family.)

Just over the line in Wilkes County, but still on the North Fork of Hunting Creek, lived Solomon Sparks, Jr., a son of the Solomon Sparks who had come to the Forks of the Yadkin in or about 1754. Solomon Sparks, Jr. had purchased land there from


William T. Lewis in 1791 and from George Denney in 1805. (See the QUARTERLY of March 2000, Whole No.189 for an article on Solomon Sparks, Jr. and some of his descendants.) Then, in 1808, Solomon Sparks, Jr. purchased 150 acres over the line in Surry County, and from 1813 until 1818, his son, William Sparks, lived on and was taxed for this tract of 150 acres. Solomon Sparks, Jr. died in Wilkes County on December 18, 1817, after which this tract in Surry County was sold. His son, William Sparks, then disappeared from Surry County tax records; he was not shown on the 1820 census of either Surry or Wilkes County. We can only conjecture that he died in or about 1818 or, more probably, he moved out of the area after his father died. This William Sparks, son of Solomon Sparks, Jr., must not be confused with William Z. Sparks, the subject of the present sketch. Likewise, William Z. Sparks must not be confused with William D. Sparks (ca.1790-1858), son of Matthew and Eunice Sparks. (See the QUARTERLY of June 2000, Whole No. 190, pp.5379-87 for a sketch of the life of William D. Sparks.)

From circumstantial evidence, there is good reason to believe that William Z. Sparks was a son of George Sparks who had been born about 1758/60 in Frederick County, Maryland. George had accompanied his parents, William and Ann Sparks, in their migration from Maryland to the Forks of the Yadkin in 1764. Although we have found no clue by which to identify the wife of George Sparks, we know from census records between 1790 and 1830 that he had a family consisting, apparently, of three sons and four daughters. When the 1830 census was taken, he was enumerated in the 60 to 70 age category, but there was no female in his household of a similar age. The further fact that he made no mention of his wife when he made his will on November 18, 1833, suggests that she had died, probably before 1830.

Although George Sparks referred to "all my children" in his will, he named only his one unmarried daughter, Franky, and his son, George Sparks, Jr.  To George, Jr., he left all his land (300 acres), including his "still and stand" and his farming tools. His personal property was to be sold to pay his debts, with the remainder to be divided among "all my children" except George,Jr. Two grandchildren, James and Wilson Edwards, were to receive their deceased mother's share. The name of this deceased daughter of George Sparks is not known, but the provision in his will that the portion received by these grandchildren "be paid into the Hand of Samuel Edwards" suggests that Samuel Edwards was probably their father. (See the QUARTERLY of June 1983, Whole No. 122, pp. 2520-24, for further information regarding George Sparks, including the full text of his will.)

George Sparks, in leaving all of his land to his son, George, Jr., probably did so with the understanding that George, Jr. would care for him during his remaining years. Perhaps he had already provided in some manner for his other two sons, including, we believe, WIlliam Z. Sparks.

From census records, we know that William Z. Sparks was born about 1791. He lived his entire life in the Jonesville area, and he died there in December 1858. His name flrst appeared on the 1812 tax list of Surry County; he owned no land then, but he was taxed for one poll (himself). (North Carolina law required at that time that all free males between the ages of 21 and 50 pay an annual poll tax.) It was in Capt. Martin's District that William Sparks paid his poll tax in 1812. (The tax district at that time was the same as the militia district, and it was known by the name of the captain of militia in that area.) Two other men named Sparks appeared on Capt. Martin's list: George Sparks with 700 acres of land and two polls, and Thomas Sparks with 203 acres and one poll.

This Thomas Sparks, who was taxed on 203 acres of land in 1812, was, like George Sparks, a son of William and Ann Sparks. Thomas had been born about 1766. He was married about 1787 to Rebecca ; there is a possibility that


her maiden name had been Bell. After her death about 1795, Thomas was married (2nd) to Diana Wilcox about 1800. Thomas Sparks moved about 1817 to the area where Lee and Scott Counties, Virginia, adjoin; still later he moved, with his brother, James Sparks, to Lawrence County, Kentucky. (For a detailed record of the life and. family of Thomas Sparks, see the QUARTERLY of December 1991, Whole No. 156; March 1992, Whole No. 157; and June 1992, Whole No. 158.)

When the 1815 tax list for Capt. Martin's District was prepared, William [Z.] Sparks, the subject of this sketch, was listed as owning 91 acres on Fall Creek, valued at $150. This tract was described as adjoining land owned by "N. Morrison." We have found a deed in Surry County which accounts for this 91-acre tract. Although dated March 1, 1818, this deed refers to the land as having been "delivered" to Sparks in 1815. By this deed (see Surry County Deed Book 0, pp. 257-8), Nathaniel Morrison sold for "50 pounds current money" to "William Sparks," both of Surry County, a tract of 100 acres, being the south portion of a larger tract of which Morrison had sold a portion to William Jenkins in 1815. The witnesses to this 1818 deed were Allen Sisk and Joseph Sparks.

While described in the deed as comprising 100 acres, it appears that, for tax purposes, this tract was judged to be 91 acres in 1815 and 97 acres after 1816.

On January 16, 1817, "William S. [Z.] Sparks" obtained a grant of land from the state of North Carolina for 50 shillings per hundred acres. On December 26, 1818, the grant was made official in the Treasury Office. The tract was described as being on Beverdam Creek and comprised 250 acres. It adjoined land owned by Wiley Craft, Jonathan Sparks, Benjamin Sparks, and Sebastian. (See Surry County Deed Book P, pp. 378-79.) That year (1817), William Z. Sparks was taxed on 347 acres with a total value of $350. Before the 1818 tax list for Surry County was prepared, however, William had disposed of his 250-acre grant which he had obtained the year before from the state. In 1818, he was shown as owning only 97 acres valued at $150 and adjoining the land of Allen Sisk. We have found no record to reveal how he had disposed of his 250 acres.

When the Surry County tax records were prepared in 1819, what had earlier been called Capt. Martin's District (identified as "Captain Joshua K. Speer's District" in 1818), was now called the "District of Jonesville." Again, William Sparks was shown as owning 97 acres of land; its value, however, was increased to $250. Allen Sisk was again shown as owning land adjoining that of William Z. Sparks, although Sisk's land (103 acres) was described as adjoining the land of George Sparks. George Sparks, himself, was shown on this 1819 tax list as owning 320 acres valued at $600. It was described simply as lying on Deep Creek.

Four other men named Sparks were taxed in 1819 on land they owned in the Jonesville District. They were: Jonathan Sparks, 220 acres valued at $300 adjoining Wm. Rose; Benjamin Sparks, 186 acres ($400) adjoining Jonathan Sparks; Joseph Sparks, 244 acres ($300) adjoining Allen Sisk; and Benja. Sparks, 93 acres ($300) adjoining Jesse Sisk. (Owners of land described as adjoining land owned by persons named Sparks were: Robert Burchel adjoining Benja. Sparks; John Edwards adjoining George Sparks; Allen Sisk adjoining George Sparks; and John Parks adjoining Jonathan Sparks.)

Wiley Craft, mentioned in the 1817 grant of land to William Z. Sparks as owning adjoining land, had been married in Surry County to Agatha Sparks (spelled "Auga thee") in 1812. The bond for this marriage was dated January 28, 1812, and we can assume that the marriage occurred soon thereafter. Allen Sisk served as bondsman. Wiley Craft then served as bondsman (on January 4, 1813) for the marriage bond for William Sparks and Elizabeth Gentry. Although no middle initial was shown on this bond for William Sparks, circumstantial evidence leads us to believe that this was the first marriage of William Z. Sparks. We wonder whether the Agatha Sparks


who had been married to Wiley Craft in 1812 may have been a sister of William Z. Sparks.  Another marriage bond of interest is that for Joseph Sparks and Martha Edwards, dated January 28, 1815, with Richard Gentry serving as bondsman. Joseph Sparks, who was born about 1790 in Surry County, was, we believe a son of Thomas and Rebecca Sparks. Thomas Sparks (ca.1766-ca.1837), like George Sparks, was a son of William and Ann Sparks. (See the QUARTERLY of December 1991, Whole No. 156, pp.3855-58.) It would seem likely that this Martha Edwards was related to the grandchildren named in the will of George Sparks in 1833 as James and Wilson Edwards.

William Z. Sparks was not listed as heading a household in Surry County when the 1820 census was taken. He was probably just missed by the census taker, although it is possible that he and his family were living in someone else's house hold. (Only the heads of household were actually named on census records prior to 1850.)

When the 1824 tax list for the Jonesville District in Surry County was prepared, William Sparks's tract of 97 acres was described as adjoining land owned by William Jenkins. The 1825 tax list seems not to have been preserved, but that for 1826 shows William Sparks with 194 acres adjoining James Morrison. This increase in his land ownership is explained by a Surry County deed (Book T, p.63) dated November 29, 1825. On that date, "William Z. Sparks" purchased from William Jenkins a tract of 91 acres "on the waters of Fall Creek" adjoining his own land. (The witnesses to this deed were Richard H. Parks and Richard Guinn, both of whom were near neighbors of William Z. Sparks.) In fact, this same tract had been noted in the deed by which William had purchased his original tract from Nathaniel Morrison; Morrison had stated in that deed that he had sold the north portion of his farm in 1815 to William Jenkins and the south portion to William Sparks. Sparks now (1825) paid Jenkins $150 for these 91 acres adjoining his own land, giving him a farm that was described in subsequent tax records as comprising total acreage varying as follows: 193, 194, 195, and 197. In 1838, 1840, and 1841, it was simply called 200 acres.

While the deed of 1825 clearly identified Sparks as "William Z. Sparks," in the body of the document he was called simply "William Sparks."

When the 1830 census of Surry County was taken, William Z. Sparks was listed as heading a household very near that of George Sparks. In the enumeration of his family, he, himself, was shown as between 40 and 50 years of age (thus born be tween 1780 and 1790). A female, doubtless his wife, was enumerated as between 30 and 40 (thus born between 1790 and 1800). There were seven children in their household enumerated as follows: (Note that their ages would be in agreement with the marnage record noted earlier for William Sparks and Elizabeth Gentry in 1813.)

Because census takers proceeded from one house to the next in gathering their information, their records reveal who were near neighbors to one another. The names on each side of William Z. Sparks on the 1830 census may prove useful in further research. They were as follows:
Thomas Pettyjohn, William Cheek, Hannah Brewer, Charles Johnson, Charles Johnson, Jr., James Jeffrey, Obediah Collins, David Woodruff, Henry Cook, George Sparks, Charles Ray, Charles Russel, William Casey,
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William Z. Sparks, James Morrison, Roberts Howel, Benjamin Rose, Robert Perdew, Elizabeth Parks, John Rose, Reuben Johnson, Micajah Becknal, Robert Burchett, Reuben Underwood, Richard Guynn, Thomas D. Kelly, James Harris, Richard Parks.

When the 1840 census of Surry County was taken, William Z. Sparks's household was enumerated as follows:

With the enumerations from these two census records for the family of William Z. Sparks, plus that of 1850 that will be mentioned later, we can speculate that he was the father of seven children:

William Z. Sparks apparently suffered some financial reverses in the late 1830s. On March 12, 1838 (according to Surry County Deed Book X, p.62), he was forced to mortgage his farm (described as containing 195 acres) on which he lived--also included in the mortgage was his livestock ("one roan mare, three head of cattle, nine head of hogs, eight head of sheep") as well as his furniture, a still, and tubs. The mortgage was to be held by William C. De Journett and was to cover a note for $110.32 to H. S. Hampton dated October 24, 1837. In this mortgage, which William Z. Sparks signed by mark, his farm was described as adjoining land owned by James Morrison and Benedict Castevens. Witnesses were Wm. C. De Journett and H. S. Morrison.

Apparently William Z. Sparks was able to pay off this mortgage, but on February 12, 1841, he again had to mortgage his farm (Surry County Deed Book Y, pp. 374-5) for a variety of debts (a total of $142.78~I4) owed to Benedict Castephus, T. W. Cowles, Josiah Cowles, and to a partnership known as Cowles & Wilcox.  Thomas Sparks, who was probably a son of William Z. Sparks, was identified as a joint-debtor with him for one of the notes. William Z. Sparks's debt to Alfred Deniette was shared with Axim Holloman.

The financial situation of William Z. Sparks apparently worsened, and on September 25, 1841, (according to Surry County Deed Book 1, p.363) he was forced to mortgage his still plus all the brandy that he would be able to make from his fruit trees during the following fall and winter.  In this instance, his creditors were identified as Isaac Austil, T. W. Carter, and Josiah Cowles. In connection with one of these debts, Thomas Sparks (doubtless his son) was again named as joint-debtor.

The 1850 census was the first federal census to list by name all members of each household, along with their ages, occupations (if males over 16), and places of birth. The household of William Z. Sparks appeared as follows in Surry County in 1850:

Name Age Occupation Real Estate Birth 
William Z. Sparks 58 Farmer $150 NC
Mary Sparks 37 NC
James Sparks 21 Farmer NC
Uriah Benge 10 NC

From this listing, it appears that the first wife of William Z. Sparks had died be tween 1840 and 1850, and that he had remarried, his second wife's name being Mary. The 21-year-old James Sparks living with William Z. Sparks was doubtless his youngest son, born about 1829.

The presence of the 10-year-old Uriah Benge in this family provides an important clue. There is a marriage bond in Surry County dated September 5, 1844, for William Sparks and Mary Benge, with George Sparks as bondsman and James E. Hough as witness. We may be quite sure that Mary Benge was a widow with a small son named Uriah at the time she was married to William Z. Sparks. We know that a Benge family lived near the Sparkses in the Jonesville area.

William Z. Sparks died in December 1858. He did not leave a will. In April 1859 his widow, Mary, requested the County Court to appoint a justice of the peace and three freeholders (i. e., landowners) "to view the personal estate of her said deceased husband and out of the crop, stock & provisions on hand to allow & set apart to your petitioner a sufficient support for herself & family for one year..." The documents pertaining to William Z. Sparks's estate are very limited in number. In these documents, summarized below, only the name "William Sparks" appears, without any middle initial.

The Court complied with the widow's request, and a justice of the peace named Moses Gross, along with S. S. Arnold, Stephen Evans, and Henry Marshel, were

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appointed to prepare an inventory of the estate left by William Z. Sparks, with in structions to determine what should be "set apart" for his widow.

William Z. Sparks obviously had few worldly goods when he died. In fact, when these four men completed their inventory, they noted: "The widow is very poor in deed; we charge no pay." (Men appointed to perform this task by the Court were entitled to payment for their time from the estate.) In the end, they "set apart" the following items for Mary Sparks:

two beds and furniture
one Small Cupboard and two Chests and one Table
one Lot of Gear and farming tools one Sythe and Cradle
also the present Crop of growing wheat
also one spotted Sow and five Shoats
also Sevinty [sic] Dollars in Cash if to be found.
When the 1860 census was taken of Yadkin County, which had been "cut off" from Surry County a decade earlier, Mary Sparks, 44 years old, was listed as heading a household. Living with her was Uriah Benge, now age 21. A man named Robert Freeman (age 21), called a "Farm Laborer," was also living with Mary Sparks in 1860, with his wife, Bethilda (age 17), and their six-month-old son, George W. Freeman.

We believe that James Sparks, the youngest son of William Z. Sparks by his first wife, was the same James Sparks who was married to Melicia Harris in Yadkin County in 1855. Their marriage bond was dated February 1, 1855, with B. B. Benham as bondsman. This marriage bond also contains the record that James Sparks and Melicia Harris were married on February 8, 1855, by S. D. Swaim, Minister of the Gospel.

Melicia Harris' full name seems to have been Mary Melicia Harris, for her name on the 1860 census of Yadkin County appears as "Mary M. Sparks." James Sparks and his household were shown on the 1860 census with their post office as Jonesville. This record is as follows:

Name Age Occupation Birth
James Sparks     30 Farm Tenant       NC
Mary M. Sparks     29 Domestic       NC
Elizabeth E. Sparks       5       NC
Thos Sparks       3       NC
William Sparks       1       NC

Mary Sparks, widow of William Z. Sparks, did not appear on the 1870 census of Yadkin County, North Carolina, nor did James Sparks and his household.

[Editor's Note: We hope that a descendant of William Z. Sparks may read this attempt to sketch his life here and share with us further information about him and his descendants.

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SPARKS LAKE, located in Deschutes County, Oregon, is a long kidney-shaped lake just east of the Cascade Range. Its weedy banks originally provided a rendezvous for many varieties of water fowl, some of which, unfortunately, had been driven away by automobile travel. The lake was named for ELIJAH (LIGE) SPARKS, a pioneer stockman of central Oregon.

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On the cover of this issue of the QUARTERLY appears a charming photograph, taken about 1920, of Mary Ann Mariah (Sparks) Milnor with her granddaughter, Alice Milnor Reasoner. Alice was about nine years old when this photograph was taken, having been born on December 31, 1911. We are grateful to Alice Anabel (Herrick) Reynolds of Plymouth, Minnesota, a great-granddaughter of Mary Ann Mariah, for providing a reproduction of this photograph for our use here.

Mary Ann Mariah Sparks was the eldest child of David Rhodes Sparks whose autobiography we have been publishing in parts in the QUARTERLY. In Part II of the autobiography in the QUARTERLY of September 1998, David R. Sparks recounted the early death of his first wife, Mariah Parisher, in 1847 (she died childless), after which he volunteered to fight in the War with Mexico (see Part III in the QUARTERLY of March 1999). Soon after his return home in 1848, he was married to his second wife, Anna Davenport Chapman, a daughter of Richard Chapman.  Sparks credited his father-in-law with having been a major benefactor to his later career.

Mary Ann Mariah, born September 26, 1849, was not yet six months old when her father left their home in Staunton, Illinois, with four other young men, including a brother and his brother-in-law, to join the California Gold Rush. Parts III and IV of his autobiography (see the QUARTERLY of March 1999 and that of September 1999) were devoted to his unsuccessful venture in the Far West. He returned home by way of the Isthmus of Panama sixteen months after his departure. Sparks then tried farming for a couple of years, but in 1854 he and a partner purchased a small sawmill. Soon convinced that milling should be his occupation, he borrowed money to build a flourmill in Staunton, but in 1859, still dreaming of gold, he responded to the siren call announcing the discovery of the precious metal in Colorado. Again, however, he returned home in November 1860 with less in capital than when he had started.

Following this sketch of his eldest daughter, in Part V of David R. Sparks's autobiography, he tells of organizing a company of cavalry at the beginning of the Civil War, with himself as captain. Three years would pass before little Mary Ann Mariah Sparks would see her father again. With the end of the war, however, the Sparks flour-milling operation prospered, and for her time, she received a fine education, first at the Monticello Seminary and then at Lombard College in Galesburg, Illinois, from which she was graduated.

Mary Ann Mariah was married on April 23, 1874, to Frank Richmond Milnor. A son of Joshua and Henrietta (Platts) Milnor, he had been born in Alton, Illinois, on December 15, 1846. He had attended Lombard College and later the School of Pharmacy in Cincinnati. He came to Litchfleld, Illinois, to work in a drugstore which he later purchased, and in due course he became the city's leading pharmacist. During his life he held many public offices and in 1900 was elected to the Illinois General Assembly.   At the time of his death in June 1938, he was President of the Litchfleld Bank & Trust Company.

In a sketch of the life of Frank R. Milnor appearing in the Litchfield Centennial History, published in 1953, there is the following paragraph regarding his wife, Mary Ann Mariah Sparks.

Mrs. Milnor took an active interest in affairs of the Litchfleld community by helping found the Litchfleld Woman's Club, of which she was the first President, serving as a member of the Library Board for many years, taking an active part in the work of the Universalist Church. She was largely instrumental in establishing a visiting nurse in the city and also participated prominently in the social life of the city.

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Mary Ann Mariah Sparks and her husband, Frank Richmond Milnor, were the parents of two children:

Mary Ann Mariah (Sparks) Milnor died on September 3, 1931, and was buried at Alton, Illinois. It was her son, George Sparks Milnor, with Col. Matthew A. Reasoner, husband of her daughter, Mabel Sparks (Milnor) Reasoner, who arranged for the autobiography of David Rhodes Sparks to be typed from the original handwritten copy in 1937. Copies were then shared with other members of the family.

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Part V

[Editor's Note: In the QUARTERLY OF March 1998, Whole No. 181, we introduced our readers to the autobiography of David Rhodes Sparks, born 1823, died 1907, with a record of his ancestry (pp.4938-44). This was followed by extracts from his autobiography describing his youth and young manhood in Indiana and Illinois (pp. 4944-53). This took Sparks to the year 1845. It was in the QUARTERLY of Septem ber 1998, Whole No.183, that we published Part II of David R. Sparks's story which was devoted to his experiences as a soldier in the War with Mexico. His first wife, Maria Parisher, had died in 1846, childless.

[Soon after his return to Illinois at the close of his service, David was married to his second wife, Anna Davenport Chapman, by whom he became the father of nine children, the eldest of whom was Mary Ann Mariah Sparks, born on September 26, 1849. It is her photograph, taken about 1920 with her granddaughter, that appears on the cover of this issue of the QUARTERLY.

[In the QUARTERLY of March 1999, Whole No. 185, pp.5130-35, appeared Part III of our extracts from the autobiography of David R. Sparks. This part was devoted largely to his joining the California Gold Rush and his vivid description of his experiences in crossing plains and becoming a miner. Like nearly every other adventurer to the "Gold Fields of California, David failed to strike it rich, but his experiences there were dramatic. Part IV of his autobiography appearing in the QUARTERLY of September 1999, Whole No. 187 (pp.5199-5206) related his disappointments in failing to strike it rich, the death of his older brother, Edmund Sparks, in California, and his return home by way of the Isthmus of Panama, across which he walked.

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[Editor's Note, continued: Also included in Part IV of the Sparks autobiography was his account of his struggle and success in establishing a flour-milling business in Staunton, Illinois, as well as his response to the siren call of the gold discovery in Colorado. Again he failed to find riches. This took him to the year 1860.

[We now present Part V of the autobiography of David Rhodes Sparks. Although he voted for Stephen A. Douglas in the memorable election of that year, Sparks responded to Abraham Lincoln's call for 300,000 volunteers, following the Union's defeat at the First Battle of Bull Run, by organizing a company of cavalry. Here we begin Sparks's account of his role in the Civil War, to the end of June 1862. In a future issue of the QUARTERLY, we will begin Part VI with David R. Sparks's activities in Arkansas.]

Immediately after the Bull Run disaster, the President by proclamation called for three hundred thousand men for three years, and among these, three Regiments of Cavalry from our State. So I determined to go in the Cavalry.  I at once saw Noreden Camen, afterwards First Lieutenant, who lived near Walshville, a little village about ten miles east of Staunton. He was ready to join me in getting up a company and with little delay I went to Springfield and reported a company. Governor Yates asked how long before I could report for duty. I told him a week or ten days. So I was placed in the Third Regiment of Illinois Cavalry Volunteers and the work of getting together ninety to one hundred men with horses was no small job, but no time was lost.

Large numbers of the young men who were ready and willing to go had no horses, nor were they able to buy them. I should state here that the Government was totally bankrupt and asked the people to furnish their own horses and receive pay for the use of the horse at forty cents a day.

So to mount these men, horses must be bought. Not discouraged at this, I established a kind of horse market and horses were offered freely, I giving my own note for them. Camen refused to join me in this hazardous business. However, I had made up my mind to throw all I had into the scale at whatever cost or hazard; so I gave my own note for over fifty horses, costing about Six Thousand Five Hundred Dollars, more money I think than I was worth at the time. But in the great distress of my country, I counted not the cost, feeling that all would be saved or lost with the Government. So now in a very few days all was ready and the day set for meeting, and a great picnic dinner was set in a grove about five miles east of Staunton. There the Staunton boys would meet the Walshville boys. So with about fifty or sixty of the men we rode out from Staunton to this meeting place.

I should have stated that some days before this, in fact before the last recruit was reported at Springfield, we had met together in one of these groves and had gone through a formal election of officers. I was chosen Captain. Noreden Camen was chosen First Lieutenant, and A. Vanhooser, Second Lieutenant. So when we met at this grove for dinner we were already organized.

Hundreds of the people met here this day. Fathers and mothers, sisters and friends, sweethearts and all came to this dinner. To many it was no fun or pastime. To the good mother who saw her darling son about to start on the perilous journey of war, it was no light matter. To the sterner father who bid his boy good-bye, with the solemn admonition, "My son, do your duty to your Government, " it was a sad farewell. And to the husband who kissed his loved little children and that dear wife he was leaving in care of these loved ones while he entered this fearful service; to all these it was a scene and trial that can only be appreciated by being present. Mothers came to me with streaming eyes and asked that I take

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care of their boys. I promised, and so I did - - so far as the circumstances would admit, but several of these boys never saw their homes or mothers again. Such is war, and such was the great trial that had burst upon a quiet agricultural people - - like a great storm through whose dark clouds no eye could penetrate to see beyond.
Now all was ready, dinner was eaten, and last farewells were taken, the company was mounted, and the word was given to march. Amid the cheers of friends and tears of relatives, we rode off,  proud that we were going in defense of our country, but sad in the thought of leaving home and friends.

Our first camp was about four miles north of Litchifeld at the farm of a Mr. Briggs (I believe it was). The night, though early in August, was chilly. Most of us slept in the barn of Mr. Briggs, for, of course, we had no tents. That night, my son Charles Fletcher Sparks was born. I might have stayed over, but of course could not tell then that this event would come off so soon. Besides, my presence seemed to be necessary to manage such a crowd of men, thus thrown suddenly together and every possible precaution had been taken that the mother should have all the assistance she could have had, had I been present.

The next morning we started on our march. (I do not give particular dates here as it does not seem at all necessary, but this was early August 1861.) At a point about two miles east of Virden, Illinois, on the C. & A. Railroad, we met a farmer with a morning paper containing the news of a battle that had taken place under Captain Lyon, commanding, at Wilson's Creek, about twelve miles southwest of Springfield, Missouri, in which Captain Lyon was killed and our forces defeated. Captain Lyon was a regular officer of great promise, and though up to this date he had not, I believe, been promoted, yet he had charge of this army of about ten thousand men.

[Editor's Note: The Captain Lyon mentioned here was Nathaniel Lyon, who was killd at Wilson's Creek on August 10, 1861. He has been called the North's first military hero.]

Here was more news calculated to discourage the loyal hearts and add greater fear and anxiety as to what the end might be. The rebels were more defiant and confident than ever, and the Rebel General [Sterling] Price, now pushed his advantage and soon appeared before Lexington, on the Missouri River, where we had a small army of about twenty-five hundred or three thousand men, among them the First Illinois Cavalry who had been ordered forward. Price surrounded this force and after a few days' siege, the command was surrendered by Colonel Mulligan, an Irish leader. I have always considered this an ignorant or cowardly surrender, as our forces were paroled on the terms that they were never to take up arms against the Confederacy.....That whole regiment was thus, right at the beginning, wiped out of the service. Why Colonel Mulligan was not court-martialed for this surrender I have never learned...

[Editor's Note: James Adelbert Mulligan had raised the "Irish Brigade" and he was captured with his brigade on September 20, 1861, at Lexington, Missouri. In the following November, he was exchanged at Winchester, Virginia. He died from wounds at Winchester in 1864. General Sterling Price was later forced to retreat from Missouri to Arkansas by a Union force commanded by General John Charles Fremont. Captain Sparks would encounter Price in Arkansas at a later date.]

After receiving the sad news of General Lyon's death (as we now began to call him) and the defeat of our army, we moved on, more sullen perhaps, but more determined to wipe out these defeats with victory.  That night we camped at a farm house about ten miles south of Springfield, and the next day about noon we rode into the public square, or rather streets, surrounding the old State House, and halted, while I went into the Adjutant General's office to report my company and to be assigned to camp.

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I can look back now and see those boys with every kind of dress and all kinds of old saddles that had been borrowed for the trip, to be sent back in the two wagons that accompanied us to haul provisions, etc., and I doubt if the Springfield people were very favorably struck with their appearance. I did not do as some foolish and vain officers did, muster them around the square to show them off, but quietly marched on to our camp at Camp Butler on the Sangamon River, about six or eight miles northeast of Springfield. Here we received tents at once and provisions were furnished; we now began our three-year period of camp life.

We were sworn into the service the next day, but it was two or three weeks before we got saddles. We then began to drill, and in a short time we had worked our selves into very respectable soldiers. We remained here for about six weeks, drilling and training ourselves to camp life, when the news of Mulligan's surrender was received. We were at once ordered to the front, boarding the cars at Springfield with our horses in the same train.

We were soon landed in Alton, Illinois, it then being the terminus of the C. & A. Railroad. We unloaded our horses at once and took passage on board the steamer "City of Alton" for St. Louis; there we disembarked and rode back to where the Fair Grounds is now located and went into quarters, but for only two days. Here we received our arms, consisting of the old-style "Hall Carbine," with what we used to call "horse pistols," a kind of little musket with big rounded handles and smooth bore muzzle loaders. Of course, they were of  no use except for one shot as a mounted man would hardly load one of the things in action. The carbine was a breech loader, but we used the old paper-wrapped cartridge, which had to be torn off with the teeth and then fired with one of the old-style percussion caps. These were very poor guns for Cavalry, but would have been much better for Infantry who, at this time, had nothing better than muzzle loading guns. However, as to this, we were on equal footing with our enemies.

Leaving St. Louis, we marched to St. Charles during that night. Why this hurry, I do not know, for we lay there on the banks of the Missouri River two or three days with no tents and little provisions. Finally, a steamer came to take us to Jefferson City, Missouri. After a very tiresome tnp, we got to the end of our steam boat journey and were not sorry. We now went into camp, having received tents here. A few days later, we marched up to Tipton and waited there for the assembly of the army that was to be led by General Fremont against Price, who, before this, had abandoned Lexington and had fled to Springfield, Missouri.

We soon had an army at Tipton of about 12,000 strong, and started south to Springfield where it was supposed Price would give battle. But he did no such thing, but on our approach retreated further south. One Major Zejona, with about five companies of cavalry, had gone ahead by another road and found about a regiment of rebels camped nearby. He partially surprised them, and by a bold, but rather foolish charge, routed them, and they retreated, having killed seventeen of Zejuna' s men and a lot of horses. This was rather a daredevil piece of work, more for glory than for any good it could accomplish, because, of course, they would have retreated before our army. News of this fight came to us about eight o'clock when we were just lying down, and some of the men asleep. So, after marching all day, we were ordered to saddle up and go to Springfield that night, about thirty miles.

We arrived in Springfield next morning about one hour by sun. We found all quiet, as the rebels had gone for good. Zejuba' s dash had the effect of scaring them, at least, and that was some good for they began to think there was some daring among the Yanks, as they called us. We went into camp here for two weeks, doing hard guard duty with constant scouting parties. While here, I was on the battlefield of Wilson's Creek and saw the bones of what was said to be General Lyon's horse, and the spot where that brave officer fell so early in the struggle.

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After staying here two weeks, we were ordered back to Rolla, the south end of the railroad and about one hundred and twenty miles from Springfield. Here we went into camp for about two months. During this time we had cold weather and one night, with the snow about four inches deep and the thermometer down below zero, I was ordered out about 8:00 PM. to go down the railroad about thirty miles. Some of the men had lain down, but there was no foolishness - - the order was peremptory.   Company H was also ordered to go with me. I, being senior officer, had charge. We were told to report to Colonel Wyman up in town, about one and a half miles. He directed me to leave one company out about twenty miles and the other must go to Cuba, about thirty miles. So we were soon on our way. It was very cold. We had to get down and walk at times, though walking was bad on account of the snow.

We arrived at the little town about sunrise, having left Lieutenant Hargrave with the other company about ten miles back. Here we took possession of a schoolhouse with an upper story for a Masonic Hall, and as we could get beef and provisions in plenty, we had a pretty good time scouting and hunting the country round about for rebels. We did not find any, however, save two or three who lived nearby, but they were not in, nor belonging to, the army and were not disturbed.

After a week or ten days stay at this place, we were ordered back to Rolla..... It was now February, cold, and much bad roads, but we pushed on, skirmishing with enemy almost daily for more than a week. This was our first real hard marching, for we were often ahead of our positions, camping out in the woods or wherever we happened to be at night.

Finally at Sugar Creek our Cavalry made a charge on the rebels and routed them, but we lost about ten men and some twenty horses within one hundred yards along the road. Nothing of any permanent character came from this loss, only our rapid pellmell pursuit of Price was stopped. Afterward we moved forward about twelve miles to a point called Cross Hollows and went into camp here for about two weeks. Meanwhile, the Cavalry was kept very busy scouting the country.

[Editor's Note: A number of letters that David D. Sparks wrote to his wife, Anna, during the war were included as an appendix to the typewritten copy of his autobiography. From three that he wrote in February 1862, we quote here the following:]

We drew our pay at Lebanon and I sent by the Paymaster money to be expressed from St. Louis and, if it gets there, you will find in one package $1,600.00, besides $60.00, all of which was collected to pay on those horses. The $60.00 was sent in a package to Hosea Snell. He will hand it to you. At the time I could have made some disposition of it, but now I cannot more than say pay all the six-months notes as far as the money will go, and it ought to pay most of them. Out of the $1,660.00 you may pay Walter Binney $265.00 and tell him I wish him to wait for the rest until I draw again. One package directed to you contains $265.00. This is my own. After you use what you need, Sturges may use the balance in advance so as to make the best of it and I will send more next time, if that time ever comes.
Tell him I wrote to Hameyer and he thinks they can furnish us with money when we wish to start to mill, and three or four weeks before if needed....

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No doubt you heard before this that Price did not give us fight at Springfield more than a few shots by his pickets. Here commenced a running fight. For several days he retreated, and we pursued with all our might. For three successive days, we run on his rear and fired away at each other as though we were disposed to fight, but it was impossible to get our Infantry up so as to make a general attack. However, on the 17th, about 2:00 o'clock, our advance ran on a strong force posted in the woods and quite a skirmish took place. The First Missouri Cavalry was in advance and made a charge, followed by the Illinois Third. The rebels were soon driven from their places of ambush and ran in every direction.

I am writing in the open air. It is cold and the smoke blows in my face every minute, so it is impossible for me to give any definite idea. But suffice to say, I have heard the cannon roar, saw men laying dead on the ground, heard the groans of the wounded and dying, with the dead and maimed horses, which looked very much like we had been in a battle; yet the battalion we are in did not fire a shot, their Infantry and Cavalry being dispersed before we got up, but several of their cannon shots fell near us which looked like they would kill us if they could. The boys, with two or three exceptions, behaved remarkably well. They looked cool and determined. As to myself, I will say I never felt more like fighting in my life. One bomb shell fell within a few feet of the rear of our company, but it created no confusion. However, it did not burst but we did not know it would not when it fell. I was busy at the front of the company and did not notice it at all.

I am getting very cold and can't write much longer.
Our loss in killed was nine, with some eight or ten wounded. Their loss was not exactly known, but five of their dead were left on the field. How many they took, I can't tell, but I don't think their loss was much, if any, greater than our own, they having all the advantage of the woods, while we had to rush on them, drive them from their hiding places. My company was the advance picket guard that night, and our pickets stood in sight of each other, yet the men, except those who were actually on post, slept as soundly as though they had been in Illinois. What do you think of that?

I must close, I am so cold. The health of the company is very good. My own health never was better. When I shall be able to get home, God only knows, but I hope before a great while. May God keep my loved family.

Farewell             D. R. Sparks

P.S. Price is said to be ten miles ahead, preparing to fight us. So we shall meet him and I have no doubt clean him out, but I fear he will not stop. I would rather fight him than run him.

J. M. Cooksey sends an order to T. Randle of St. Louis for his pistol. Give the order to any of the boys returning and get them to bring it.

P.P.S. February 26th - the enemy have entirely outrun us and we have no prospect of a fight soon.

- - -
Dear Anna:
Your letters of February 2nd and 9th were received today. This is the first word from home since we left Lebanon where I wrote you, and have written but one letter since, and only got that started the 26th inst. I have

had no time to write and, if I had written, I had no way to send it out.  This is one God forsaken country, with no mails and not much to eat. However, as yet we have done pretty well in that line. We take chickens, geese, turkeys, hogs, sheep and beef and everything that we can get, and with the exception of being out of coffee three or four days, we lived high. Now we have coffee so we are all right so far as eating is concerned. I have not read a newspaper since January 29th, and no prospects of anything better. This is very disagreeable.
You wrote in a letter to John Higgins to know how we liked the flag and if we had received the socks, etc. It was an oversight in me not to say or speak of it. Of course, it was received with loud cheers and a hearty good-will and gave entire satisfaction. The socks were a grand treat and present. Tell Sissey [Mary Ann Mariah] her box of kernels was received and relished the more because of the loved fingers that picked and prepared them. I even keep the empty box. The sausage was also received and you know I love good sausage. It was a very nice present.
[The remainder of this letter was omitted by the person who typed from the original, handwritten copy, but the following postscript was included:]
P.S. March 1st 1862. All well. You have no idea of the frightened condition of the inhabitants from Springfield, Missouri, to this place, not one in ten remaining at home, leaving bedding, furniture and everything of the kind behind. If ever I get home, I may be able to do the subject better.

[[Editor's Note: A letter from David to Anna written in February 1862, but otherwise undated, repeats much of the information he gave in the above letter, on the chance that it had been lost. This letter closes with the following paragraph.]

......I was much relieved to hear that Dickey [his son, Richard Baxter Sparks, who had been born on March 7, 1852] was some better and that you felt some what encouraged, but at the same time I feel very uneasy about him and fear I may never see him again. If I were at Rolla, I would go home if I was cashiered for doing so, but as it is it would take at least seven days to ride to Rolla so it looks almost impossible to think of going soon! If we knew it would be in six or eight months, but it looks gloomy now. Let us hope for the best and not reflect too much about the future as it only helps to make us sad. The reception of your letters, although they give me great pleasure to read and I could scarcely do without them, set me to reflecting, and I am soon found with my eyes resting on the ground in a deep study and am asked--"What is the matter, is there anything wrong?" etc. Again I must close--farewell. May Heaven smile on my loved family.
[We now return to the text of the autobiography]

Finally, Price having retreated to what is called "Boston Mountains,  about forty miles south of where we had stopped, met other forces from Arkansas and Texas commanded by General Vandam who seemed to rank General Price. Early in March [1862] they moved north with the avowed purpose of breaking and capturing our army, now commanded by General Curtis. We then had about 12,000 men, all told. They had a much larger force, but they had picked up a large number of what was called "for the fight men," and these, perhaps, did about as much harm as good to their friends for when pushed, they were easily routed. However, the General in command doubtless felt very confident.

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At the approach of the enemy our forces fell back about twelve miles and prepared for battle at what we called "Pea Ridge," but the rebels called it "Elk Horn Tavern."  Here our forces were concentrated. Segal from Bentonville moved back to this point; the Cavalry with one regiment of Infantry had gone in force on a scout to Huntsville, about forty miles distant. We were also warned of the approach of the Rebel Army and directed to cut across to Pea Ridge. This was on the 6th of March, and we made this distance during the day, the Infantry also going into the new camp a while after night. I had the front that day and was warned by our Colonel McCrillis of the danger and told to keep a sharp lookout, as it was thought they would send a party to intercept us, but they did the very opposite. We were on the east while they moved in by the left and west of the place our army had selected for the battle. In doing this, they moved to the north of us and formed their lines across the wagon road leading to Springfield, the source of our supplies. Thus, the morning of the 7th found the rebels covering the main wagon road north of us, while our lines lay across the road fronting to the north. It was evident by this bold move Vandam expected a certain victory and, by his positioning, he hoped to capture all our supplies and most of our little army. But he counted in vain, for on the 7th the battle was opened about 8:00 o'clock and continued all day with varied success. Our Cavalry was on our right in front of General Price's division, and was forced back about one mile during the day. Our left was more successful, driving the enemy back about a mile in a hot action late in the evening.

I was slightly wounded in the side. A large musket ball had glanced off some hard substance, the limb of a tree no doubt, that flattened the ball and checked its force, so it only lodged against the skin after passing through my clothing and, while it made an ugly little sore for some days, it never took me off from duty. I had six men wounded in the battle, one of whom died from its effects. Several horses were also killed, but the battle was not ended on the 7th by any means.

During the night, our forces were strengthened near the center of the line, and just at sunrise the first shots were from a Rebel Battery almost in front of where the Cavalry Battalion rested, of which I was in command at the time. They first fired on a German Battery that had very foolishly located itself out in the open field. They soon sought shelter in the woods behind them. We were close by in the woods and they evidently saw our horses for they turned their guns on us but did little harm as the shots were aimed too high. We fell back a short distance, and they let us alone. By this time, firing commenced all along the line and continued with unabated fury until about 10:00 o'clock. The fire from the rebel lines slackened, and it was evident they were retreating or changing position. It was soon discovered that they were retreating, and before night the field was clear and the victory ours.

Our Cavalry was ordered to pursue about five miles, which we did, but they were gone, save for the stragglers whom we found quite a-plenty. It was now night, and I had had nothing to eat except a half pint of coffee and a piece of cracker. This was brought to us where we lay in the bush during the night of the 7th by Sergeant Miggins.

Thus the battle lasted from the morning of the 7th to the evening of the 8th at 8:00 o'clock, as I, with a small squad, was the last to come into camp. The time here seems not so long, but one who has gone through a battle with all its excitement, mental as well as physical strain will find it very hard. Thus ended our first real set battle, and we all felt much elated at our success.

[Editor's Note: Sparks apparently wrote to his wife shortly after this battle ended, but it appears not to have survived. A letter that he wrote a few days later, how ever, was included as an appendix to the autobiography.]

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Camp at Pea Ridge, Arkansas
March 13th, 1862.

Dear Anna:

Having a little more time this evening, I will spend it in writing to you although it is doubtful if it ever reaches you. When I wrote before, the smoke of the battle had scarcely cleared from the field. We knew but little about how badly the enemy was defeated, having been out every day since the action until today. Now I have a pretty fair chance of learning for myself. I have been several miles out on either side and find the same results and that is they went in all directions, large numbers of them having thrown away their arms, and one man said he saw more than fifty and but one had a gun. This is not only the story of one man, but of all I have conversed with. I have asked what the people thought of the matter, and they say it is the general opinion that the army is entirely broke up, as it is almost certain McCulloch is killed and sure that McIntosh is dead, with several badly wounded, one of whom died in our camp.

[Editor's Note: General Ben McCulloch had followed his neighbor, Davy Crockett, to Texas, fought at San Jacinto, and later became an Indian fighter; he was appointed a brigadier general in the C.S.A. in May 1861, and while leading his brigade at Pea Ridge he was killed by sharpshooters on March 7, 1862. Also having a background in Indian scouting and fighting, James McIntosh had been a captain in the C .S. A. at Wilson's Creek; appointed a brigadier general in January 1862, he was also killed at Pea Ridge on March 7, 1862.]

General Price was slightly wounded in the arm. With these losses, besides their dead and wounded which must exceed one thousand, it will be a sad loss for them, and it will require, no doubt, a long time for them to make another stand. Our killed and wounded will be near one thousand, but there is, perhaps near one half of them that are wounded so slightly that they can continue on duty; for instance, in my own company, we had in all six wounded, and but one that is disabled (N. W. Towers), and his is by no means dangerous, being shot in the arm.

Perhaps I had better give you the names of those wounded and the nature of the wounds, as my other letter may never reach you and will save the friends of any anxious feelings on that account. Web, as above stated; Walter Lees, slight in the leg; Z. Cobb, slight on the head; Joseph Batman, on the shoulder, slight; Wm. Snell, very slight in the face; and I received a musket shot against my stomach, passing through my coat and lodged against my pants, but it raised the skin and made quite a sore place. The shock was severe and nearly took my breath for a moment, but I recovered and told the boys that ran to me to go ahead, that I was not so much hurt as I first thought. I did not leave the field from the time we went out at 9:00 A.M. the 7th until 7:00 P.M. the 8th, and I am proud to say that I had a good number that stayed by me until the battle was over....

It is no use for me to begin, unless I had taken notes as I meant to, to give you an outline of the battle. At times, the shot flew thick and fast and how it was possible for so many to escape unhurt is more than I can see. One shell burst right among the men in the company, almost blinding them for a while with smoke, yet neither man nor horse was hurt at the time. Dozens of cannon balls whizzed close over our heads and by our sides, mixed with the serpent-like musket balls that almost seemed to burn as they went by; yet, I had not a man hurt until late in the evening when at one volley, or nearly so, we met with all the damage received. Company E that was by our aide all the time, had two men killed and two wounded, while we had six wounded and none killed.

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Scanned and edited by Harold E. Sparks